Subcomparative puzzle
نویسنده
چکیده
Although crosslinguistic variation in comparatives has been drawing much attention among researchers, the puzzling fact that languages like Japanese and Korean in general impose a ban on subcomparatives remains without satisfactory explanation (see Shimoyama 2012: 103–105). In this paper, I provide a preliminary version of such explanation by capitalizing on the assumption that scalar predicates in Korean rely on the domain restriction of measure functions via the interface between functional degree structures and measure nominals such as length, width, and height.
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